文化認同與地理位置,如何型塑下一個世代的全球衝突
Joe 盧, CFA | 2025年8月17日 美東時間
冷戰結束後,政治學家普遍預期全球將迎來和平。他們相信,如自由民主這類後天習得的意識形態將會團結世界。然而,杭廷頓(Samuel P. Huntington)在他1996年的著作《文明衝突與世界秩序的重建》中,預測了一個令人不安的未來。他主張,未來衝突的根源將是文化性的。他相信,人們對自身家庭、社會和文明那種自然的「愛其所屬」情感,是比任何後天選擇的意識形態都更強大的力量。他斷言,戰爭將在文明之間,而非國家之間進行,而宗教將扮演核心角色。
杭廷頓的論點挑戰了1990年代的樂觀主義,當時的樂觀氛圍預期全球將普遍採納西方的自由民主。他認為,在冷戰的敵對關係之下,存在著更深層的文化斷層。資本主義西方與共產主義東方之間的衝突,不僅僅是經濟問題,其根源在於不同的文明世界觀。美國領導的西方文明基於個人主義和世俗主義,而蘇聯則是由東正教的集體主義歷史所塑造。
蘇聯的解體並非「歷史的終結」。杭廷頓警告,一個全新而複雜的文明間衝突時代即將來臨。
杭廷頓的理論核心在於「文明」這一概念。他將文明定義為人們擁有的最廣泛的文化認同。地理位置至關重要,共享的歷史、語言和宗教在特定的地理範圍內塑造了這些認同。文明認同遠比政治意識形態更為持久。
杭廷頓識別出他認為將塑造全球政治的八個主要文明:
杭廷頓同時也識別出「分裂國家」,如烏克蘭、土耳其和南非等。它們的文化認同在更大的文明之間分裂,此一分裂使其成為潛在的衝突熱點。
杭廷頓並非在鼓吹文明戰爭,而是為一個潛在的未來提供了一套描述性的假說。他概述了可能發生文明衝突的幾個關鍵原因。恐懼是比貪婪更強大的驅動力。
觀察家們指出,當代的全球衝突印證了他的論點。中東的戰爭和「全球反恐戰爭」,常被框定為西方與伊斯蘭文明之間的衝突。一些分析家將2022年俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭,視為東正教的俄羅斯與西方支持的烏克蘭之間的對抗。
美國與中國之間的競爭,也被視為一場文明的衝突。這場西方與中華世界之間的衝突,橫跨了貿易、科技和意識形態。圍繞台灣的緊張局勢,被認為是可能引發更廣泛衝突的熱點。印度與巴基斯坦之間的小規模衝突,則突顯了印度教與伊斯蘭世界之間的潛在衝突。
杭廷頓的論點同時也面臨諸多批評。一個主要的批評是,該理論過度簡化了全球政治與文化。批評者認為,此理論助長了「我們 vs. 他們」的心態,此一看法鼓勵決策者透過文明的濾鏡來看待世界。
該理論也面臨本質主義的指控,即將文明視為鐵板一塊,而忽略了其內部的多樣性。兩伊戰爭和敘利亞內戰皆表明,文明內部的衝突同樣殘酷。該理論也忽略了階級的劃分,一個文明中富裕的、具國際主義思想的菁英,與另一個文明的菁英之間的共同點,往往多於他們與自己國家中較貧窮、更具國族主義思想的人民。
一些學者認為,杭廷頓的框架正當化了西方的霸權,在共產主義垮台後,創造了一個新的「敵人」,以合理化其軍事主導地位。該理論對世界的分類方式,也因其武斷而受到批評。
杭廷頓的《文明衝突》是理解後冷戰世界一個備受爭議的框架。他對文化認同以及文明板塊間潛在摩擦的分析,在今日仍能引起共鳴。國家與個人的時間尺度不同,國家以「世代」和「世紀」來計算,而個人則以「年」和「十年」來計算。
世界並未匯流成單一的全球文明,但也並非注定要發生災難性的文明戰爭。全球政治的未來,將由文明內部及文明之間的合作與競爭共同塑造。他的著作提醒我們,根深蒂固的文化和宗教認同,在21世紀仍將是一股強大的力量。一個文明意識的時代已然來臨。
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How cultural identity and geography are shaping the next era of global conflict.
By Joe 盧, CFA | 08/17/2025
Political scientists expected global peace after the Cold War. They believed acquired ideologies like liberal democracy would unite the world. Samuel P. Huntington predicted an unsettling future in his 1996 book, "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order." He argued the source of future conflict would be cultural. He believed the natural "love of one's own" family, community, and civilization was a stronger force than any chosen ideology. Wars, he contended, would be fought between civilizations, not nations. Religion would play a central role.
Huntington’s thesis challenged the optimism of the 1990s. This optimism anticipated a global adoption of Western liberal democracy. He argued deeper cultural fault lines existed below Cold War rivalries. The conflict between the capitalist West and the communist East was not about economics alone. The conflict had roots in different civilizational worldviews. The United States leads Western civilization, which is grounded in individualism and secularism. The Soviet Union was shaped by a history of Eastern Orthodox collectivism.
The Soviet Union's collapse was not the "end of history." Huntington warned of a new, complex era of inter-civilizational conflict.
Huntington’s theory centers on the "civilization" concept. He defined a civilization as the broadest level of cultural identity people possess. Place is critical. Shared history, language, and religion shape these identities within a specific geography. Civilizational identities are more enduring than political ideologies.
Huntington identified eight major civilizations he believed would shape global politics:
Huntington also identified "cleft nations." Ukraine, Turkey, and South Africa are examples. Their cultural identities are divided between larger civilizations. This division makes them potential conflict flashpoints.
Huntington did not advocate for civilizational war. He offered a descriptive hypothesis of a potential future. He outlined key reasons for likely civilizational clashes. Fear is a greater motivator than greed.
Observers point to contemporary global conflicts as evidence of his thesis. Wars in the Middle East and the "global war on terror" are often framed as a clash between Western and Islamic civilizations. Some analysts view the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine as a confrontation between Orthodox Russia and a Western-backed Ukraine.
The competition between the United States and China is viewed as a civilizational clash. This clash between the West and the Sinic world spans trade, technology, and ideology. Tensions over Taiwan are cited as a potential flashpoint for a wider conflict. Skirmishes between India and Pakistan highlight potential conflict between the Hindu and Islamic worlds.
Huntington's thesis has faced significant criticism. A main critique is that the theory oversimplifies global politics and cultures. Critics argue the theory promotes an "us versus them" mentality. This view encourages policymakers to see the world through a civilizational lens.
The theory faces accusations of essentialism. The theory presents civilizations as monolithic and ignores internal diversity. The Iran-Iraq War and the Syrian Civil War demonstrate intra-civilizational conflicts are brutal. The theory also overlooks class divisions. The wealthy, internationalist elites of one civilization often have more in common with elites from another than they do with the poorer, more nationalist people of their own country.
Some scholars argue Huntington's framework justifies Western hegemony. The framework creates a new "enemy" after communism's fall to rationalize military dominance. The theory's categorization of the world receives criticism for being arbitrary.
Samuel P. Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" is a debated framework for understanding the post-Cold War world. His analysis of cultural identity and potential friction between civilizational blocs resonates today. Nations and individuals run on different clocks. Nations count in generations and centuries. Individuals count in years and decades.
The world is not converging into a single global civilization. The world is also not destined for cataclysmic civilizational wars. The future of global politics will be shaped by cooperation and competition, both within and between civilizations. His work is a reminder that deep-seated cultural and religious identities will continue to be a force in the 21st century. An age of civilizational awareness is upon us.
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