2026 年 1 月20日，在瑞士達沃斯世界經濟論壇上，加拿大總理Mark Carney首次以國家領導人身份登台發聲。這場題為“Principled and Pragmatic: Canada’s Path《有原則且務實：加拿大的道路》”的演講，不只是一次外交亮相，更像是一份對世界秩序變局的冷靜診斷書，贏得各界的廣泛好評。在人們已經習慣了世界就是一個草台成員的情況下，出現這麼一個理性、專業、有洞察力的領導人，著實讓人耳目一新。卡尼直言不諱地指出當下地緣政治的困局：我們身處一個大國競爭的時代，以規則為基礎的秩序正在褪色，強者想做什麼就能做什麼，弱者只能承受其所必須承受的。卡尼把自己的國家定位於中等強國，他指出中等強國不應該被動地隨波逐流，而是要積極地發揮自己的行動空間，強調加拿大並非無力旁觀者。他運用了金融領域的風險管理概念來避險地緣風險，他說：“當大國連規則與價值的表面文章都不再維持，只為毫無束縛地追逐權力與自身利益——那種交易主義帶來的收益將越來越難以複製。霸權國家不可能無休止地把關係變現、把盟友當收費項目，盟友會為避險不確定性而分散佈局以重建主權，類似於買保險。那種曾經建立在規則之上的主權，將越來越轉而錨定於抵禦壓力、扛住衝擊的能力，這就是典型的風險管理。”他說，“主權就是承受壓力的能力。”他借用捷克思想家哈維爾《無權者的力量》的意象，提出“弱者真正的力量，始於誠實地做自己，停止假裝世界仍按舊規則運轉”，直呼中等強國“直面現實、重建能力、結成聯盟”。他用一句高度凝練的話概括加拿大的新外交取向——“價值基礎上的現實主義”。——有原則：主權和領土完整，除《聯合國憲章》另有規定外禁止使用武力、尊重人權；——也務實：認識到進步是漸進的，利益存在分歧，並非所有夥伴都認同我們的價值觀，不再幻想抽象秩序會自動保護自身，而是從國內實力、產業安全、盟友協作出發，重塑行動力。在2025年這個加拿大最關鍵的歷史關口，他從金融領域走向總理府，把金融危機中的“壓力測試”思維，移植到國際政治舞台。這也是加拿大在“後特魯多時代”的一次自我重塑。與前任更強調道義敘事和象徵政治不同，卡尼的語言冷靜、克制，更具操作性。他不承諾世界會變得更好，只強調加拿大必須先變得更強、更清醒、更可靠。“強者有他們的力量，但我們也有：直面現實、鍛造實力、聯合行動的能力。”或許，這就是在新世界格局中，“中等強國”該選擇的路或者是肩負的使命。在局勢瞬息萬變的時刻，保持冷靜，卡尼這種沉穩而深思熟慮的領導風格，與其個人經歷高度一致。馬克·約瑟夫·卡尼（Mark Joseph Carney），1965年3月16日生於西北地區的史密斯堡。他的祖父母是愛爾蘭人，卡尼六歲時，全家搬到艾伯塔省的埃德蒙頓。卡尼是妥妥的學霸和冰球愛好者。在哈佛就讀本科期間，是冰上曲棍球校隊的候補守門員，牛津大學期間，是冰上曲棍球俱樂部的副隊長，他於1993年和1995年獲得牛津大學經濟學碩士和博士學位。卡尼先是在高盛工作了13年，曾參與高盛處理1998年俄羅斯金融危機的工作。2008年2月正式上任加拿大央行行長，成為8國集團和20國集團中最年輕的央行行長。卡尼預計美國金融危機將蔓延全球，加拿大央行向加拿大金融系統提供大量額外流通性，承諾將利率維持在一年內儘可能低的水平，這些措施對加拿大安全度過金融危機起到了積極作用。2013年7月1日，馬克·卡尼接替退休的默文·金爵士，出任英國央行行長，成為英格蘭銀行自1694年建立以來第一位非英國人行長。2020年3月卸任英格蘭央行一職，被任命為聯合國氣候行動與金融特使，同時擔任加拿大總理特魯多的非正式顧問。2023年8月，卡尼被邁克爾·布隆伯格任命為彭博社新董事會主席。2025年1月6日在總理特魯多辭職後，卡尼投入領導競選活動，並辭去了所有參與的執行、董事會和諮詢職位。2025年3月9日，卡尼以85.9%的得票率當選加拿大自由黨黨首，隨後於3月14日出任第24任加拿大總理，成為第一位從未擔任過民選職位的加拿大總理。卡尼曾擁有三重國籍。透過其家族血統獲得了愛爾蘭公民身份，在擔任英格蘭銀行行長期間取得了英國護照。當選加拿大總理後，卡尼決定一心一意只做加拿大人，他在開始新工作之前放棄了愛爾蘭和英國國籍。以下是卡尼2025年達沃斯演講全文（現場翻譯版）：非常感謝，Larry，我準備先用法語開場，然後再切回英語。今天能在這樣一個關鍵歷史節點與各位相聚，是一種榮幸，也是一份責任。對加拿大、對世界都是一個轉折點。今天我將談論世界秩序的斷裂。那段“令人愉快的虛構”正在終結，而一場殘酷現實正在開啟。在這場現實中，大國地緣政治幾乎不再受任何約束。但我也要指出：其他國家—— 尤其是像加拿大這樣的中等強國並非無能為力，我們具備建構一種新秩序的能力，它應當融入我們的價值觀——比如對人權的尊重，可持續發展，團結互助，以及國家主權與領土完整。“弱者的力量” 首先來自於誠實——敢於做自己。似乎每天，我們都會被提醒：“我們身處一個大國競爭的時代，以規則為基礎的秩序正在褪色，強者想做什麼就能做什麼，弱者只能承受其所必須承受的”。修昔底德的這句格言，被包裝成一種不可避免的宿命，正在重新佔據主導地位，彷彿這就是國際關係的“自然邏輯”。而面對這種邏輯，各國很容易形成一種強烈傾向——順著走，只求相安無事，選擇遷就，避免惹麻煩，寄希望於“服從就能換來安全” 。但事實並非如此。那我們還有什麼選擇？1978年，捷克異見人士瓦茨拉夫·哈維爾，後來成為總統。他寫過一篇文章，題為《無權者的力量》。他在文中提出了一個簡單的問題：共產主義制度為何能維持運轉？他的答案從一個菜店老闆講起。每天清晨，店主都會在櫥窗裡貼上一張標語 “全世界無產者，聯合起來！”他並不相信——誰也不信，但他還是照貼不誤，只為避免麻煩，用來表明順從，好讓日子過得下去。而因為每條街的每家店都這麼做，這個制度才得以延續，它不僅靠暴力維繫，也靠普通人的參與，參與那些他們私下知道是虛假的儀式，哈維爾把這稱為“活在謊言之中”。制度的力量不來自它的真實，而來自每個人都願意配合演下去，彷彿那就是真理。而它的脆弱也恰恰來自同一處，當那怕有一個人不再配合表演，當那位菜店老闆把標語取下來，幻象就開始出現裂縫。朋友們，是時候讓企業與國家，把自己的“標語”摘下來了。幾十年來，像加拿大這樣的國家一直在我們所謂的 “以規則為基礎的國際秩序”之下繁榮。我們加入它的機構，我們稱頌它的原則，我們受益於它的可預期性。也正因為如此，我們才能在它的庇護下推行以價值觀為導向的外交政策。我們也明白：這個關於國際秩序的故事，在某種程度上並不完全真實。最強者會在需要時給自己開例外，只要“方便” ，貿易規則的執行往往並不對等。我們也知道，國際法的適用嚴不嚴格，常取決於被告或受害者“是誰”。但這套“虛構的秩序”曾經有用，尤其是美國霸權在一定程度上提供了許多公共品，開放的海上航道，穩定的金融體系，集體安全，以及解決爭端的制度框架支援等，這也是我們之所以願意把“標語”貼在櫥窗裡，參與那些儀式，並且大體上避免去點破言辭與現實之間裂縫的原因。但現在，“這筆交易”行不通了。我直說：我們正處在一次斷裂之中，不是一次“過渡” ，在過去二十年裡，一連串金融危機、公共衛生、能源以及地緣政治危機，暴露了極端全球一體化的風險。而且更近些時候，大國開始把經濟一體化當作武器，用關稅作籌碼、作槓桿，用金融基礎設施實施脅迫，把供應鏈變成可被利用的脆弱點，當“一體化”變成被支配的來源時，你就不可能繼續活在“互利共贏”的謊言裡。靠所謂融合來維持那套敘事，中等強國賴以依託的多邊機構，所依賴的體系——世貿組織、聯合國，氣候大會（COP）等架構，也就是集體解決問題的整套制度架構，都正面臨威脅。因此，許多國家得出了相似的結論：必須在能源、糧食、關鍵礦產、金融與供應鏈等領域，打造更強的戰略自主能力。這種衝動可以理解，但一個連自己都養不活的國家，無法自給燃料、也無法自我防衛的國家，卻選擇不多。當規則不再保護你，你就必須保護自己。但我們要清醒：這條路會通向那裡？一個由“堡壘”構成的世界會更貧窮、更脆弱，也更不可持續。還有另一個事實，如果大國連“規則與價值”的表面文章都不再維持，只為毫無束縛地追逐權力與自身利益——那種交易主義帶來的收益，也會越來越難以複製。霸權國家不可能無休止地把關係變現、把盟友當“收費項目”，盟友會為避險不確定性而分散佈局。他們會“買保險” 增加選項，以重建主權，那種曾經建立在規則之上的主權，將越來越轉而錨定於抵禦壓力、扛住衝擊的能力。在座各位都明白：這就是典型的風險管理。當然風險管理也必然要付出代價。但戰略自主、主權的成本，也可以由大家共同分擔。聯合投入，韌性建設，比各自築起堡壘更便宜，也勝過人人各建一座“要塞”。共同標準能減少碎片化，優勢互補帶來的是正和收益。因此，對加拿大這樣的中等強國來說，問題不在於要不要適應新的現實，因為我們必須適應。真正的問題是：我們是只靠把牆砌得更高來適應，還是能做得更有雄心。現在加拿大是最早聽到“警鐘”的國家之一，這促使我們從根本上調整戰略姿態。加拿大人知道，過去那些讓人安心的假設—— 以為憑藉地理位置與盟友關係，就能自動帶來繁榮與安全的假設，已經不成立了。我們的新路徑，基於亞歷山大·斯塔布所稱的“基於價值觀的現實主義”——或者換句話說，我們力求做到既有原則又務實。原則體現在我們恪守基本價值觀：主權和領土完整、除《聯合國憲章》另有規定外禁止使用武力、尊重人權。務實體現在，我們認識到進步往往是漸進的，利益存在分歧，並非所有夥伴都認同我們的價值觀。我們以開放的心態，廣泛而戰略性地參與其中。我們戰略上保持清醒、睜大眼睛，我們主動面對真實的世界，而不是坐等世界變成我們希望的樣子。我們正在校準各類關係，讓合作的深度體現我們的價值觀。鑑於世界秩序的不斷變化、由此帶來的風險以及接下來事態走向的巨大利害關係，我們優先考慮廣泛參與，以最大限度地發揮我們的影響力。我們不再只依賴價值觀的力量，也要重視實力的價值。我們正在國內內夯實這種實力。自本屆政府執政以來，我們下調了所得稅、資本利得稅以及企業投資相關稅負，清除了所有聯邦層面的障礙以促進省際貿易。我們正在加速推進總額達一兆美元的投資，投向能源、人工智慧、關鍵礦產、新的貿易走廊等領域。我們將把國防開支翻一番，在本十年末之前實現，並以帶動本國產業發展的方式推進。對外方面，我們也在迅速實現多元化。我們已與歐盟達成一項全面的戰略夥伴關係，其中包括加入 SAFE （Security Action for Europe, 歐洲安全行動）以及歐洲防務採購安排。我們在過去幾個月還簽署了另外12項貿易與安全協議，覆蓋四大洲，用時僅六個月。就在過去的幾天裡，我們又達成了新的戰略夥伴關係，對象包括中國和卡達。我們正在與印度、東盟泰國、菲律賓以及南方共同市場（Mercosur）就自由貿易協定談判。我們還在做另一件事，來幫助解決全球性問題。我們推行“可變幾何”策略，換句話說，以共同的價值與利益為基礎，不同議題，組建不同聯盟。比如在烏克蘭問題上，我們是“志願聯盟”（coalition of the willing）的核心成員，按人均計算，我們在其防務與安全方面的貢獻位居前列。在北極主權問題上，我們堅定與格陵蘭和丹麥站在一起，並完全支援他們獨特且正當的權利，由他們來決定格陵蘭的未來。我們對北約《第五條》的承諾堅定不移。因此，我們正與北約盟友一道行動，包括北歐與波羅的海國家等，進一步鞏固聯盟的北翼與西翼安全。其中包括通過加拿大前所未有的投入，建設超視距雷達、潛艇、飛機，以及地面部隊 ——還有“冰上靴子”。加拿大堅決反對圍繞格陵蘭的關稅措施，並呼籲開展有針對性的磋商，以實現我們在北極的共同目標 ——安全與繁榮。在諸邊貿易方面，我們倡導搭建一座橋樑，連接《跨太平洋夥伴關係協定》與歐盟，從而形成一個新的貿易集團，覆蓋15億人口；在關鍵礦產方面，我們正以G7為支點組建“買方聯盟” ，讓世界能夠實現多元化，擺脫對集中供應的依賴；在人工智慧方面，我們與理念相近的民主國家合作，確保我們最終不會被迫在“霸權國家”和“超大規模雲廠商”之間二選一。這並非天真的多邊主義，也並非依賴於日漸式微的機構。它指的是與擁有足夠共同立場、能夠攜手行動的夥伴，逐個議題地建構有效的聯盟。在某些情況下，這些夥伴將代表絕大多數國家。它還意味著，在貿易、投資和文化領域建構一張緊密的聯絡網路，以便我們應對未來的挑戰和機遇。中等強國必須攜手行動，因為如果你不在談判桌上，你就成了別人的盤中餐。至少在眼下，大國可以單打獨鬥，它們擁有市場規模、軍事實力和話語權，可以左右談判。中等強國則不具備這些條件，如果我們只與霸權國家進行雙邊談判，我們就是在弱勢地位下談判，只能接受對方給出的條件，彼此競爭，看誰更“會配合”、更願意讓步。這不是主權這只是在“表演”主權，同時卻接受被支配的地位。在大國競爭的世界裡，夾在中間的國家其實有選擇：要麼相互爭寵、爭取偏愛；要麼聯合起來，開闢一條真正有影響力的“第三條路”。我們不應讓硬實力的崛起矇蔽雙眼，忽視合法性、正直和規則的力量依然強大——只要我們選擇把它們聯合起來使用。這讓我又想起了哈維爾。對於中等強國而言，“活在真相中”意味著什麼？意味著給現實重新命名。別再把“以規則為基礎的國際秩序”掛在嘴邊，彷彿它還像宣傳的那樣正常運轉。要直呼其名，這其實是一個大國競爭不斷加劇的體系，最強者追逐自身利益，並把經濟一體化當作脅迫工具。意味著言行一致地行動。對盟友與對手一視同仁，適用同一套標準，當中等強國批評某一方的經濟脅迫，卻對另一方的脅迫保持沉默時，我們就是還把“標語”貼在櫥窗裡。意味著要踐行我們所宣稱的信念。建立並維護那些能夠真正發揮作用的制度和協議，讓它們確實“如其所述”地運轉，而不是坐等舊秩序的恢復。意味著要削弱那些助長脅迫的槓桿。建設強大的國內經濟始終應該是各國政府的首要任務。國際多元化不僅僅是經濟上的審慎，更是誠實外交政策的物質基礎。因為一個國家要贏得堅持原則立場的資格，就必須降低自己遭到報復的脆弱性。所以，加拿大—— 加拿大擁有世界所需要的一切我們是能源超級大國。我們擁有豐富的關鍵礦產資源。我們擁有世界上受教育程度最高的人口。我們的養老基金是全球規模最大、最成熟最專業的投資者之一。換句話說，我們擁有資源、資本、人才，以及一個財政實力雄厚、能夠果斷行動的政府。我們擁有許多其他國家所嚮往的價值觀。加拿大是一個多元化且運轉良好的社會。我們的公共領域充滿活力、多元包容且自由開放，加拿大人始終致力於可持續發展。在這個動盪不安的世界裡，我們是一個穩定可靠的夥伴——是那種著眼長遠、重視並經營關係的夥伴。而且我們還有另一點，我們看清了正在發生什麼，並決心據此採取行動。我們明白，這場斷裂，需要的不只是“適應” ，它要求我們直面真實世界，坦誠以對。我們正在把“標語”從櫥窗裡取下來。我們知道，舊秩序不會回來了，我們也不該為它哀悼，懷舊不是策略。但我們相信，從這道裂縫中，我們能夠建起更宏大、更美好、更強大、更公正的東西。這正是中等強國的使命所在。它們在堡壘林立的世界裡損失最大，在真正合作的世界裡獲益最多。強者有強者的力量，我們也有我們的力量。我們有能力停止假裝，給現實正名，在國內夯實實力，並攜手共同行動。這就是加拿大的道路，我們公開而自信地選擇它。而這條路，也向任何願與我們同行的國家敞開。非常感謝！2026達沃斯卡尼演講英文版（來自Prime Minister of Canada）Thank you, Larry.It’s a pleasure – and a duty – to be with you at this turning point for Canada and for the world.Today, I’ll talk about the rupture in the world order, the end of a nice story, and the beginning of a brutal reality where geopolitics among the great powers is not subject to any constraints.But I also submit to you that other countries, particularly middle powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that embodies our values, like respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of states.The power of the less powerful begins with honesty.Every day we are reminded that we live in an era of great power rivalry. That the rules-based order is fading. That the strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must.This aphorism of Thucydides is presented as inevitable – the natural logic of international relations reasserting itself. And faced with this logic, there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along. To accommodate. To avoid trouble. To hope that compliance will buy safety.It won’t.So, what are our options?In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel wrote an essay called The Power of the Powerless. In it, he asked a simple question: how did the communist system sustain itself?His answer began with a greengrocer. Every morning, this shopkeeper places a sign in his window: “Workers of the world, unite!” He does not believe it. No one believes it. But he places the sign anyway – to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along. And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists.Not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.Havel called this “living within a lie.” The system’s power comes not from its truth but from everyone’s willingness to perform as if it were true. And its fragility comes from the same source: when even one person stops performing — when the greengrocer removes his sign — the illusion begins to crack.It is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, praised its principles, and benefited from its predictability. We could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false. That the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient. That trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.This fiction was useful, and American hegemony, in particular, helped provide public goods: open sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security, and support for frameworks for resolving disputes.So, we placed the sign in the window. We participated in the rituals. And largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.This bargain no longer works.Let me be direct: we are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.Over the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy, and geopolitics laid bare the risks of extreme global integration.More recently, great powers began using economic integration as weapons. Tariffs as leverage. Financial infrastructure as coercion. Supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.You cannot “live within the lie” of mutual benefit through integration when integration becomes the source of your subordination.The multilateral institutions on which middle powers relied— the WTO, the UN, the COP – the architecture of collective problem solving – are greatly diminished.As a result, many countries are drawing the same conclusions. They must develop greater strategic autonomy: in energy, food, critical minerals, in finance, and supply chains.This impulse is understandable. A country that cannot feed itself, fuel itself, or defend itself has few options. When the rules no longer protect you, you must protect yourself.But let us be clear-eyed about where this leads. A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile, and less sustainable.And there is another truth: if great powers abandon even the pretence of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests, the gains from “transactionalism” become harder to replicate. Hegemons cannot continually monetize their relationships.Allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty. Buy insurance. Increase options. This rebuilds sovereignty – sovereignty that was once grounded in rules, but will be increasingly anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.As I said, such classic risk management comes at a price, but that cost of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty, can also be shared. Collective investments in resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortress. Shared standards reduce fragmentation. Complementarities are positive sum.The question for middle powers, like Canada, is not whether to adapt to this new reality. We must. The question is whether we adapt by simply building higher walls – or whether we can do something more ambitious.Canada was amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.Canadians know that our old, comfortable assumption that our geography and alliance memberships automatically conferred prosperity and security is no longer valid.Our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb has termed “values-based realism” – or, to put it another way, we aim to be principled and pragmatic.Principled in our commitment to fundamental values: sovereignty and territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force except when consistent with the UN Charter, respect for human rights.Pragmatic in recognising that progress is often incremental, that interests diverge, that not every partner shares our values. We are engaging broadly, strategically, with open eyes. We actively take on the world as it is, not wait for a world we wish to be.Canada is calibrating our relationships so their depth reflects our values. We are prioritising broad engagement to maximise our influence, given the fluidity of the world order, the risks that this poses, and the stakes for what comes next.We are no longer relying on just the strength of our values, but also on the value of our strength.We are building that strength at home.Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes, capital gains and business investment, we have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial trade, and we are fast-tracking a trillion dollars of investment in energy, AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors, and beyond.We are doubling our defence spending by 2030 and are doing so in ways that builds our domestic industries.We are rapidly diversifying abroad. We have agreed a comprehensive strategic partnership with the European Union, including joining SAFE, Europe’s defence procurement arrangements.We have signed twelve other trade and security deals on four continents in the last six months.In the past few days, we have concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar.We are negotiating free trade pacts with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines, Mercosur.To help solve global problems, we are pursuing variable geometry— different coalitions for different issues, based on values and interests.On Ukraine, we are a core member of the Coalition of the Willing and one of the largest per-capita contributors to its defence and security.On Arctic sovereignty, we stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark and fully support their unique right to determine Greenland’s future. Our commitment to Article 5 is unwavering.We are working with our NATO allies (including the Nordic Baltic 8) to further secure the alliance’s northern and western flanks, including through Canada’s unprecedented investments in over-the-horizon radar, submarines, aircraft, and boots on the ground. Canada strongly opposes tariffs over Greenland and calls for focused talks to achieve shared objectives of security and prosperity for the Arctic.On plurilateral trade, we are championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the European Union, creating a new trading block of 1.5 billion people.On critical minerals, we are forming buyer’s clubs anchored in the G7 so that the world can diversify away from concentrated supply.On AI, we are cooperating with like-minded democracies to ensure we will not ultimately be forced to choose between hegemons and hyperscalers.This is not naive multilateralism. Nor is it relying on diminished institutions. It is building the coalitions that work, issue by issue, with partners who share enough common ground to act together. In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations.And it is creating a dense web of connections across trade, investment, culture on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.Middle powers must act together because if you are not at the table, you are on the menu.Great powers can afford to go it alone. They have the market size, the military capacity, the leverage to dictate terms. Middle powers do not. But when we only negotiate bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness. We accept what is offered. We compete with each other to be the most accommodating.This is not sovereignty. It is the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.In a world of great power rivalry, the countries in between have a choice: to compete with each other for favour or to combine to create a third path with impact.We should not allow the rise of hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy, integrity, and rules will remain strong — if we choose to wield it together.Which brings me back to Havel.What would it mean for middle powers to “live in truth”?It means naming reality. Stop invoking the “rules-based international order” as though it still functions as advertised. Call the system what it is: a period of intensifying great power rivalry, where the most powerful pursue their interests using economic integration as a weapon of coercion.It means acting consistently. Apply the same standards to allies and rivals. When middle powers criticise economic intimidation from one direction but stay silent when it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.It means building what we claim to believe in. Rather than waiting for the old order to be restored, create institutions and agreements that function as described.And it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion. Building a strong domestic economy should always be every government’s priority. Diversification internationally is not just economic prudence; it is the material foundation for honest foreign policy. Countries earn the right to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation.Canada has what the world wants. We are an energy superpower. We hold vast reserves of critical minerals. We have the most educated population in the world. Our pension funds are amongst the world’s largest and most sophisticated investors. We have capital, talent, and a government with the immense fiscal capacity to act decisively.And we have the values to which many others aspire.Canada is a pluralistic society that works. Our public square is loud, diverse, and free. Canadians remain committed to sustainability.We are a stable, reliable partner—in a world that is anything but—a partner that builds and values relationships for the long term.Canada has something else: a recognition of what is happening and a determination to act accordingly.We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.We are taking the sign out of the window.The old order is not coming back. We should not mourn it. Nostalgia is not a strategy.But from the fracture, we can build something better, stronger, and more just.This is the task of the middle powers, who have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and the most to gain from a world of genuine cooperation.The powerful have their power. But we have something too – the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home, and to act together.That is Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently.And it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.（英文版來自Prime Minister of Canada） (雋永書房) 
